Ann Tickner provides an overview of the feminist debate to understand international politics. Her argument is that IR scholarship has only recently started to incorporate the feminist assumptions and critiques into the discourse of world politics, and the existence of post-positivist perspective is highly responsible for it. She thinks that since knowledge is socially constructed as constructivists also argue, it provides a broader framework of analysis for feminists to analyze the global impact of policies on women.
For instance, liberal feminists argue that women discrimination and subordination by men can not only be reformed by legal measures, but also by the incorporation of women agenda on the principle of equality in every walk of life. For this, feminists criticize the traditional separation of gender roles between men and women and uncover the structures that are used to assign and sustain power for men.
One believes that Ann Tickner's contribution in this paper is to mention the significance of women theorists whose works are seminal in providing a detailed inquiry of the feminist school of thought. Moreover, Tickner acknowledges that feminist thought requires self-reflexivity in which scholars must critique their own assumptions and identify their biases. Tickner's emphasis on Third Debate highlights the importance of the shift of IR towards socially constructed approaches to study international relations, and one thinks that she admires this shift. The reason that Tickner would appreciate Third Debate is that it provides feminists a framework to point out the ideas that have created the structures of subordination to women. In this way, one suggests that feminists could bring emancipation for women from oppression and violence.
However, one thinks that Tickner admits the fact that feminists are least heard by IR academia, because there focus is not primarily to understand the dimensions of international politics, but to demonstrate the 'masculine hegemony' of men in the strategic domains of international relations. Hence, the agents that formulate policy and make decisions would strongly resist feminist' mind-set and one believes that Tickner has correctly suggested it.
For instance, liberal feminists argue that women discrimination and subordination by men can not only be reformed by legal measures, but also by the incorporation of women agenda on the principle of equality in every walk of life. For this, feminists criticize the traditional separation of gender roles between men and women and uncover the structures that are used to assign and sustain power for men.
One believes that Ann Tickner's contribution in this paper is to mention the significance of women theorists whose works are seminal in providing a detailed inquiry of the feminist school of thought. Moreover, Tickner acknowledges that feminist thought requires self-reflexivity in which scholars must critique their own assumptions and identify their biases. Tickner's emphasis on Third Debate highlights the importance of the shift of IR towards socially constructed approaches to study international relations, and one thinks that she admires this shift. The reason that Tickner would appreciate Third Debate is that it provides feminists a framework to point out the ideas that have created the structures of subordination to women. In this way, one suggests that feminists could bring emancipation for women from oppression and violence.
However, one thinks that Tickner admits the fact that feminists are least heard by IR academia, because there focus is not primarily to understand the dimensions of international politics, but to demonstrate the 'masculine hegemony' of men in the strategic domains of international relations. Hence, the agents that formulate policy and make decisions would strongly resist feminist' mind-set and one believes that Tickner has correctly suggested it.
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