Prior to
the collapse of the Soviet Union, there existed a belief amongst notable
Realist theorists, such as John Mearsheimer, that with an attenuation of the
security threat, the need for international institutions and peace-keeping
forces would also decline, along with their strength and efficacy. However, this idea was subjected to great
scrutiny as international institutions persisted after the end of the Cold War.
Although they recognize the importance of Mearsheimer’s work regarding
institutions and security in the international system, Keohane and Martin challenge
the generalizations and contradictions made by the former, in an attempt to shift
focus away from ‘ad hoc’ and ‘post hoc’ theorizing in order to provide an ‘a
priori’ approach to theorizing. In “The Promise of Institutionalist Theory” the
authors examine the divide between security and economic issues and the
question of “relative gains” in an international system so as to highlight the
significance of international institutions.
The realist
assumption that international politics can be divided into two distinct
categories – security and the political economy – is one that is rejected by
Keohane and Martin, who claim that the international political economy cannot
be separated from security issues using a “neat dividing line”. Rather, the
authors propose, that both military-security issues and those pertaining to the
political economy can be observed under a “single framework” of
institutionalism. International institutions allow for states to coordinate
their actions in order to reach a “cooperative outcome” by bridging the
information gap between them. Assuming a state of competition and anarchy in
the international system, states are unaware of the intentions of others and
therefore their actions are aimed at maximizing utility, in terms of economy and
security. Access to greater information regarding the intentions of other
states and possible courses of action would therefore allow states to pursue
policies that would “more nearly maximize utility”.
Furthermore,
Keohane and Martin also maintain that international organizations help mitigate
“distributional conflicts” that would otherwise prevent states from achieving
preferred cooperative outcomes. In an international system, there exists a need
for a system of coordination in order for states to fully benefit from the
potential gains of cooperation. The Realist school of thought propagates that
states are likely to renege on their deals or refuse to even cooperate if
relative gains of cooperation are lesser than those accruing to other states. Thus,
by providing information about “the distribution of gains from cooperation”,
and assuring states that gains are evenly dispersed between them, international
institutions allow for greater cooperation in the international system. Hence,
by facilitating symmetry of information available to the states, international
organizations are able to regulate not only economic activity, thus ensuring
cooperation, but may also be able to preempt and resolve security issues that
may arise.
Another
interesting aspect of the Institutionalist theory, as presented by the authors,
is its conception of institutions as both “dependent” and “independent”
variables in the international system. Waltz had suggested earlier that interactions
between different players within a system leads to the creation of institutions,
which in turn are able to mold and constrain the activities of the players that
gave rise to them. Similarly, Keohane and Martin argue that all international
institutions arise as a response to state interests, change because of human
action and the “changes in expectations and process that result can exert
profound effects on state behavior”. In addition, the authors believe that in
order to fully understand the impact of international institutions on state behavior
there is a need to isolate their impact from that of “underlying forces” within
the international system. However, Keohane and Martin acknowledge that the task
may be extremely challenging as it would not only require a search and analysis of instances where institutions have
remained constant despite rapid changes in the underlying conditions, but an
examination of changes within the institutions as well.
Keohane and
Martin have highlighted some key features of the Institutionalist theory of
International Relations. By stressing upon the role of institutions in
providing information, the authors have attempted to subsume aspects of realism
into the broader framework of institutions, in order to allow for cooperation
within the international system. However, there are still several aspects of
institutions that could have been included in their argument. Keohane and
Martin do no stress upon the fact that although states create institutions,
these institutions are controlled by the interests of ‘great nations’.
Therefore, gains in the international system will always be skewed in the favor of states that possess greater military and economic power and not be “evenly
divided” as proposed by the authors. Furthermore, international institutions
might not have as easy access to information as suggested by Keohane and
Martin. Despite agreeing to cooperate, as states are ultimately geared towards
increasing relative gains, states might not be willing to reveal all their
assets, therefore leading to a situation of information asymmetry and imperfect information within the
institutions. All in all, Keohane and Martin have done a fairly reasonable job
in trying to propagate institutionalism as a normative approach to theorizing
in the realm of international relations.
Good post and this is an issue we're going to explore in greater depth.
ReplyDeleteSome questions to think about: Can political economy and security be divorced? Is institutional theory more explanatory than the various permutations of realism? Or should it be viewed as just another tool to use in our theoretical toolkit?