In the introductory chapter of his book, ‘The Tragedy of
Great Power Politics’ J. Mearsheimer, talks about the power hungry nature of the
states across the globe. However, he adds to the existing and oft repeated Realist
argument by criticizing the structure of international system and the perpetual
great-power competition. He elaborates on the ‘tragedy’ saying the states do
not want to fight each other; they merely want to survive in a system where
they fear another might gain more power, enough to become the hegemon, and
therefore use it to manipulate the weaker states. This fear exists in the system due the absence
of a central authority, states having some military capability and doubting each
other’s intentions. More powerful states have more chances of survival.
To support his claim, Mearsheimer uses the example of China
as a rising power and how powerful states such as the United States might react
to counter any threat. Mearshiemer clarifies that states might not necessarily
want to fight because they face an actual threat from an existing or rising
power, but the fear still exists in the doubtful minds of the other states which
is why they work towards building their own (military) power. The states wish
to survive and, quoting the Prussian statesman Otto von Bismark, ‘if (they)
wish to survive, (they) have no choice but to wipe them out.’
Moving on, the author criticizes the Liberalist approach
taken by theorists to explain the post-Cold War order. Instead, he brings to
our attention ‘Defensive’ and Offensive Realism’. The former suggests that the
states either try to maintain the balance the balance of power or try to tilt
it towards themselves to ensure survival. The latter focuses on the doubtful
nature of the states who wish to maximize power and ensure survival as well, except
they do so by oppressing the weaker states. Basically, the two kinds of
structural Realism tell us how and why states act aggressively: to survive.
By proposing and explaining the above mentioned theories,
Mearsheimer makes it easier for the students of International Relations to understand
the history of international politics. Furthermore, these theories are also
helpful in explaining and predicting the power politics in the 21st
century. Consequently, the theories also turn out to be important for the foreign
policy makers who can then pinpoint ends (maximizing power?) and outline the
appropriate means to reach the desired goals of the states, either ‘good’ or ‘bad’.
Another thing that stood out for me was how he recognizes limitations regarding his theory and accepts that it cannot be applicable to every scenario. That just adds credibility to his work.
ReplyDeleteWell Mearsheimer argues that his theory is more descriptive rather than prescriptive. So while policy makers might look to it in order to better understand actions taken by states, it does not necessarily tell us what states will actually do.
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